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Overseas friends stand by persecuted Acehnese human rights workers
Signe Poulsen
On 29 March 2001 Tengku Al-Kamal, a member
of the team monitoring the 'Peace through Dialogue' agreement between
the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement GAM, was shot dead
in South Aceh. Also killed were Suprin Sulaiman, a lawyer with the Aceh
NGO Coalition for Human Rights (Koalisi NGO HAM Aceh), and their driver
Amiruddin. They were returning from a police station where Tengku
Al-Kamal had given testimony about his alleged involvement in a
defamation case launched by the police against several human rights
workers. Members of the Mobile Police (Brimob) said they had been
falsely accused of raping five women in South Aceh. Eyewitnesses have
stated that after leaving the police station, the car in which the
three were travelling was followed by a vehicle carrying members of the
security forces.
Inspired by the more open political climate
in 1998, Acehnese activists began to organise. However, in exposing
some of the truth about the conflict in Aceh and identifying some of
the perpetrators of torture, killings and 'disappearances' that had
haunted Acehnese society for the past decade, they soon found
themselves facing intimidation.
The South Aceh killings were not the first
tragedy to hit those working to improve the humanitarian and human
rights situation in Aceh. The emerging community of non-government
organisations (NGOs) had been reporting growing levels of threats for
more than a year. Other tragedies reported internationally included:
the killing of three volunteers with Rata (Rehabilitation Action
against Torture in Aceh) as well as the torture victim they were
accompanying in December 2000; the torture of three Acehnese staff
members of the British-based humanitarian agency Oxfam in August 2000;
and the disappearance that same month of Jafar Siddiq Hamzah, the
founder of the International Federation for Aceh (IFA). But these were
only the tip of the iceberg. From at least February 2001 onwards,
activists say, everyday threat levels have escalated so seriously that
they are prevented from carrying out much of their routine work outside
the provincial capital Banda Aceh. Some activists have even been forced
to leave the province, fearing for their lives.
The threats affect not only these
individual human rights defenders but also the communities they are
trying to help. These activists bring much more than rice and plastic
sheeting to the civilian population hit hardest by the violence. They
bring alternatives to the violence that has become part of everyday
life for too many men, women and children in the province. Their
presence is a source of hope in a conflict too often portrayed only in
grim statistics and military terms.
Banda Aceh is considered a calm oasis
compared to the areas outside of town. Still, even here the situation
has deteriorated significantly since President Wahid issued a decree in
April 2001 that cleared the way for a 'limited' military operation.
Between April and June the security forces carried out almost daily
road checks around town. Ostensibly to check driving licenses and
vehicle registration, the checks raised popular fears of a return to
the bad days between 1989 and 1998 when Aceh was classified a military
operations area (Daerah Operasi Militer, DOM).
During the DOM, few civil society
organisations were able to operate in Aceh, and most human rights
violations went unnoticed by the outside world. All this changed with
'reformasi' in 1998, when Acehnese began to speak out against human
rights violations in their province. With students at the forefront,
activist began working on many issues ranging from environmental rights
to humanitarian relief. They criticised both sides of the armed
conflict for excesses and worked towards the promotion of human rights,
an end to violent conflict and the rule of law.
The political opening in Aceh proved
short-lived. Since early 1999 the armed conflict has intensified and
civilians have once again become its victims. Today activists say that
`shock therapyhas returned. The
brutal phrase was first used by the military to justify its bloody
operations in 1989-92 against the separatist Free Aceh Movement
(Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM). The counter-insurgency campaign resulted
in widespread human rights violations during the early years of DOM.
The pro-referendum organisation SIRA (Sentral Informasi Referendum Aceh) had its office raided in May 2001. YAB (Yayasan
Anak Bangsa) followed in June. Afterwards, several heads of
organisations received explicit warnings that their offices might also
be targeted. On 20 July activists were taking part in a non-violent
protest against militarism in Aceh at the offices of the Legal Aid
Institute (Lembaga Bantuan Hukum, LBH). Security forces turned up, took
a number of LBH staff to the police station for questioning, and
confiscated the office computer, other office appliances, photos and
legal documentation. On the same day some of those representing GAM in
the peace talks with the Indonesian government that had been ongoing
since May 2000 were arrested at the hotel in which the talks were
taking place. This last outrageous violation of all international norms
cast the possibility of future talks in doubt.
Working outside Banda Aceh is even more
difficult. Humanitarian and human rights workers in villages are almost
invariably viewed with suspicion. On 17 July two activists who had been
carrying out investigations into human rights violations in Central
Aceh were detained for two days and their research results confiscated
as they were returning to Banda Aceh. Others delivering humanitarian
aid to displaced people have been accused of cooperating with GAM,
because of their 'free access' to villages where GAM operates.
Meanwhile, GAM has consolidated its
structures at the village level. There have been reports of members of
GAM extorting and intimidating some NGOs, in particular those who
choose not to come out in support of a referendum for Aceh.
'If a lawyer in South Aceh can be killed,
anyone can be next.' This sentiment has been expressed by a number of
activists in Banda Aceh. Some of them are now being questioned in
connection with the same defamation case as Tengku Al-Kamal. This
appears to be an attempt by the police to gather more information about
the activities of NGOs in Banda Aceh.
In spite of the difficult environment in
which they operate, Acehnese activists say they are determined to
continue their work. At the same time, they are developing strategies
to enable them to carry out this work without being harassed, detained,
tortured or killed.
Protective accompaniment
There are some positive signs in this
respect. One is the establishment of formal and informal networks
throughout the province. Women's organisations were perhaps the
pioneers in this respect, establishing networks at the village level
already during the DOM. Students have also been pro-active. Meanwhile,
following a conference of torture victims in Aceh in November 2000,
survivors formed a network headed by SPKP (Solidaritas Persaudaraan
Korban Pelanggaran HAM Aceh, Association of Victims of Human Rights
Abuse).
At the national level, the National
Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has established a branch office
in Banda Aceh, as have national human rights organisations Kontras and
LBH. These organisations are playing an important role in impressing
the human rights situation in Aceh on the national conscience.
The number of international organisations
in Aceh is relatively small compared to other Indonesian trouble spots.
One initiative is the 'protective accompaniment' carried out by Peace
Brigades International. By providing a physical presence, PBI aims to
deter threats against Acehnese human rights defenders, thereby creating
a space for them to continue to carry out their work. For example, when
one activist was informed that his life was in danger because his name
was on a list of high profile Acehnese sympathetic to GAM, members of
PBI's team in Aceh stayed with him for forty-eight hours, until he was
able to leave the province. PBI volunteers have maintained a presence
outside NGO offices, and accompanied activists to meetings, the
airport, the police station or their homes. This not only helps to
deter threats but is also a very visible show of solidarity and support
of the work done by Acehnese human rights defenders.
In spite of these initiatives, as of July
2001 the prevailing feeling is that the space in which activists in
Aceh are operating is becoming smaller and smaller. Yet no sustainable
solution to the armed conflict in Aceh can be reached only by the power
brokers. It has to involve all levels of society. Acehnese NGOs
represent many voices of civil society at the grassroots level. They
are still the key to ending the violent conflict. Their security must
be protected and their work should be seen not as a threat, but as a
vital part of any functioning democratic society.
Signe Poulsen is a volunteer with Peace Brigades International (www.peacebrigades.org).
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