A report by a human rights organisation in West Papua
Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy (Elsham)
The shooting by unidentified gunmen on 31 August
2002 on the road from Timika to the Freeport mining enclave of
Tembagapura in which two American citizens and one Indonesian citizen
were killed and twelve others were injured is a demonstration of the
strength of militarism and impunity in Indonesia. It calls into
question relations between Freeport McMoRan, PT Freeport Indonesia
(Freeport's Indonesian subsidiary), and the military.
At noon on the afternoon of Saturday 31 August, a
convoy of trucks carrying teachers and children from Timika's
International School was seen by two Freeport employees stopping at
mile 62-63 on its way back to Tembagapura. Minutes later a Freeport
employee and his wife arrived at the scene and, seeing the convoy under
attack, quickly returned to the mile 64 security checkpoint to call for
help. Immediately after the shooting, the military blocked off the road
between mile 50 and 64.
Decky Murib was an eyewitness to the attack and is
currently under police protection. He was a former member of an
indigenous Papuan civilian group recruited by the Indonesian Special
Forces (Kopassus) to assist with covert operations. He has told Elsham
investigators that Kopassus members were involved in the shooting.
Eyewitnesses have confirmed that a Freeport
company vehicle from its Grasberg mining site arrived at the scene just
prior to the attack. The vehicle was driven by a Freeport employee and
was transporting members of the armed forces. According to standard
Freeport policy, all company vehicles from the Grasberg site must be
checked out in writing. Review of vehicle documents from the morning of
31 August should provide important information about the perpetrators
of the attack.
The military's accusations
On the night of 31 August there was an agreement
between the military and the police to patrol the area of the shooting.
The next day, 1 September at 8:00am, the police were fired on while
conducting a search of the area. They took cover. Later, personnel from
the army unit Kostrad 515 approached claiming that they were guarding
the ambush site and had just shot one of the alleged 31 August gunmen.
The military brought the body of the victim, Elias Kwalik, to the side
of the road, where police investigators took over the case.
The results of a medical examination on Kwalik
revealed that he had been dead for approximately 12 hours prior to the
1 September shooting. A Freeport employee informed Elsham investigators
that he had seen Kwalik at Mile 38 at 3:00pm on August 31, waiting for
a ride, and had recommended to Kwalik that he return to Timika because
of the military operations farther up the road.
Despite a lack of evidence, Indonesian military
and governmental officials - as well as senior Freeport management -
publicly attributed responsibility for the 31 August attack to the
TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Organisation). In response
to such accusations, the head of the the TPN/OPM, Kelly Kwalik, issued
a statement on 17 September stating that he and his group were not
responsible for the shooting. He reiterated his earlier statements that
he had cancelled any plans to attack Freeport and reaffirmed his
commitment to establishing Papua as a Zone of Peace.
Since March 2002, indigenous Papuans� concerns
about the escalating threat of an Indonesian military and police
crackdown led civil society groups including Elsham to urgently pursue
an initiative on conflict resolution. The groups set up a Peace Task
Force in July 2002, inviting Indonesian civil and military authorities
as well as TPN/OPM leaders to enter into a dialogue to establish Papua
as a Zone of Peace.
The culmination of the first stage of the Zone of
Peace process was a conference co-sponsored by the governor, police
chief, and the provincial parliament together with Elsham and other
civil society groups. It was held in Jayapura on 15-16 October 2002.
Major General Mahidin Simbolon, regional commander of the Indonesian
military in Papua, was the only official who refused to participate in
the initiative. As part of the Zone of Peace initiative, the Task Force
separately met with Papua�s police chief, chairman of the provincial
parliament, and governor as well as all TPN/OPM leaders, including
Kelly Kwalik, with very successful responses.
Immediate background
Regardless of the peace initiative or its results,
there had been an increase in military activity. The day before the
shooting, on 30 August, there had been a joint armed forces operation
including the army, special forces, marines, and mobile brigade police
(Brimob) in the area of the shooting. Attacks on Freeport personnel and
local indigenous Papuans had been escalating since December 2001.
In December 2001, two Freeport environmental unit
employees were shot at the Grasberg mine site. No investigation into
the attack was conducted. The shootings were reportedly carried out by
unidentified gunmen wearing military uniforms.
In April 2002, Kopassus attacked indigenous Papuan
civilians in the lowland hamlet of Kali Kopi in which one civilian was
killed and seven others were arrested and tortured.
On 25 May 2002, five to seven Papuans holding axes
and one revolver attacked Freeport security guards at the main office
building in the company�s Western-style suburb town of Kuala Kencana.
They then fled the scene.
Despite the fact that all of these cases had been
reported to Freeport security, company management took no action to
investigate and apprehend the groups perpetrating these crimes. It was
in this atmosphere of total impunity that the 31 August attack took
place.
It should be noted that the Indonesian military
has a long history of destabilising violence in the area of Freeport�s
mining operations. For example, in 1994, armed forces battalions 752
and 733, posing as a TPN/OPM unit, shot and killed a Freeport employee
on the road near Mile 62. An Australian employee was shot and wounded
in the same incident. In March 1996, the military orchestrated a �riot�
that caused the closure of the mining operation for three days. This
led to an exponential increase in the number of troops based in the
area.
Freeport's security policy
The 31 August attack is reminiscent of previous
military assaults on Freeport employees and the military�s other
destructive acts directed at the company. Not only have elements of the
military attacked Freeport employees and the local community, they have
also stolen Freeport property. Soldiers of the army unit Kostrad 515
while on duty at Freeport in March-June 2002 stole six tons of wire
from a factory at mile 74 and later sold it for Rp 8,000 [US$.90] per
kilogram. They also stole Caterpillar trucks with an estimated value of
US$150,000 from a warehouse at mile 39 in mid-June 2002.
From a business standpoint, these criminal
activities by the company's security forces are extremely
disadvantageous to Freeport shareholders' interests. Although Freeport
management is aware of these cases, the corporation has taken no legal
action against the perpetrators.
Freeport's lack of responsiveness is further demonstrated by its policy after the human
rights violations in 1994-5. The Indonesian armed
forces killed or disappeared 16 civilians, raped five local women, and
tortured and arbitrarily detained dozens of other community members.
While corporate management publicly stated its concern about the abuses
on several occasions, Freeport continued to augment its relationship
with the Indonesian military.
Since 1995, Freeport officials have claimed that
Freeport's Contract of Work (COW) with the Indonesian government
actually requires the company to provide logistical support to the
Indonesian military and police. However, none of the company's COWs
includes any such explicit stipulation.
Freeport's continual failure to act in response to
human rights violations and other violent attacks in the lead up to the
31 August shootings, and even more interestingly, its failure to
respond to criminal activities of the security forces against its own
business interests, calls into question its security policy and its
commitment to the protection of its employees and human rights more
generally.
Elsham is concerned that this case will be dealt
with in the same manner as the November 2001 assassination of Papuan
leader Theys Eluay, which has resulted in the trial of Kopassus
soldiers as individuals before a military tribunal, with no
investigation into the decision-makers who ordered the killing or the
state policies of which the killing was a result. Unless the policies
of the Indonesian central government and Freeport security are
investigated, human rights violations and attacks of this nature will
continue with impunity.
Elsham (ElshamNewsService@jayapura.wasantara.net.id),
founded in 1998, is based in Jayapura, West Papua. This article is
extracted from a longer report issued on October 21, 2002. The full
report can be obtained at Elsham�s website www.geocities.com/elshamnewsservice. The army has threatened to sue Elsham for alleging army responsibility for the killings.
Inside Indonesia 73: Jan-Mar 2003
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