Manufacturing workers in Tangerang make a special effort to look good
Nicolaas Warouw
As the morning sun begins to shine, Ida prepares to go to work at a
garment factory where top international brands of sportswear are
produced. It takes nearly an hour for her to wash, fetch water, and
bathe because she has to share the well, toilets, and bathrooms with
other residents in her lodging complex. Although little time remains
before she must leave for work, she folds a thin blanket on the bare
floor of her rented room. She waits for the iron to heat then carefully
irons her work-shirt before hanging it up. She then irons her long
trousers with the same meticulousness. She sets off to work in her
neatly-ironed uniform, her make up, her perfume, and her fashionable
high-heeled shoes.
The morning mikrolet, a small van used as public transport
in the industrial town of Tangerang, is always fully-packed during rush
hour. Most of the passengers are female workers heading to work in
local factories. None of them would say it is a pleasant experience.
There is no space to stretch their legs or straighten their bodies, and
the air smells of industrial pollution and uncovered rubbish. High
humidity and traffic jams make the trip even more uncomfortable.
Ida and the mikrolet’s other young female passengers create
a striking contrast to their surroundings. Their faces are brightened
with powder and they smell of soap or anti-perspirant. When they
alight, they briefly parade their carefully-groomed bodies before
disappearing into the enormous industrial complexes where they work.
Quest for modernity
How much effort have these young women put into their appearance, the
prologue to their mundane performance as wage labourers in industrial
factories? Is that effort worthwhile when evidence of it dissolves the
moment they set foot into the sweatshop? For Ida, self-presentation is
not merely an uncritical mimicry of images and beauty rituals she
learns from pop magazines or television sinetron
increasingly accessible by the rural population. Her appearance
represents her quest for modernity, a quality not available in the
rural setting where she grew up.
The importance of self-presentation for working-class women such as Ida
seems to suggest that the New Order succeeded in giving dignity to
industrial workers. Improved education provided Ida and her classmates
with high hopes of a better life in their future and a promise of
upward social mobility. Factory smokestacks were a recurring image in
their school textbooks. The smokestacks represented development, the
holy grail of the Suharto era. It is no coincidence, therefore, that
these village girls dream of moving to the city and working in a
factory.
Factory workers’ uniforms are part of the realisation of that dream.
They communicate young rural migrants’ newly-acquired modern identity.
The uniforms differentiate factory workers from their rural
counterparts, but also from other urban workers, such as domestic
servants, petty traders, and mikrolet
drivers. Factory employment also offers workers steady income, which
they use to purchase items symbolising their literacy in modern urban
culture. Their growing eloquence in urban symbols also includes
techniques for crafting the presentation of self. In everyday life,
this translates into the intricacies of Ida’s morning rituals with her
iron, her uniform, and her make up.
Covert resistance
At the same time, however, this self-presentation is an attempt to
counter the demeaning markers of working class existence. It is a
conscious attempt to express resistance against the social stigma of
their deprivation and subjugation in the face of the state and
corporate capitalism. Workers come to Tangerang with dreams of
modernity, only to find themselves sentenced to hard labour and life in
a slum. Their experiences of capitalism leave them vulnerable in their
efforts to establish modern identities. Self-presentation, therefore,
demonstrates covert cultural resistance to the poverty and
powerlessness of manufacturing workers. It provides them with a space
in which they are able to reject domination in the workplace and state
denial of workers’ aspirations.
Ida emerges from her shift in the factory with a weary expression and
lustreless eyes. She no longer cares about her now-rumpled uniform or
the odour of her exhausted body. All signs of her time-consuming
morning routine are gone after ten hours in the sweatshop. Yet tomorrow
morning she will do it all again.
Nicolaas Warouw (jnw@coombs.anu.edu.au) is a PhD student in the Department of Anthropology, RSPAS, at the Australian National University.
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