Nothing should be taken at face value in Aceh
Michelle Ann Miller
In Aceh, like most conflict areas, the truth is hard to find. The main
arena for airing political grievances is the battlefield. In the
propaganda war for Acehnese hearts and minds, the Indonesian military
(TNI) and Free Aceh Movement (GAM) repeatedly blame each other for
human rights violations against the civilian population, attacks on
state facilities and other crimes.
Both sides often wildly distort numbers of civilian victims,
participation levels in demonstrations, and GAM and TNI troop levels,
to name just a few. The two most basic challenges for outsiders are
finding out who is responsible for the violence, and its extent.
Since martial law began in May 2003, the TNI has monopolised ‘the
truth’ in the province through strict censorship of the mass media,
forced closure of local NGOs and a ban on international observers.
Aceh’s regional military commander, Major General Endang Suwarya, says
that ‘limited’ coverage of the conflict helps to promote the ‘spirit of
Indonesian nationalism.’ The military’s media campaign emphasises
defence of territorial sovereignty against ‘terrorists’, community
development projects and ‘humanitarian’ treatment of GAM prisoners.
GAM, however, claims that the TNI has never told the truth. They say
the military’s ‘foreign occupation’ of Aceh has resulted in
‘extermination’ of the Acehnese people, which the TNI conceals by
controlling information. GAM also denies TNI accusations that it is
responsible for burning down hundreds of schools. GAM blames this on
the Indonesian military and its militia proxies.
It is difficult to ascertain ‘the truth’ about developments in Aceh
when Acehnese society is being held politically captive by the two
warring parties. Urban areas, where about 25 per cent of population
live, have been subject to military control for well over a year. The
pro-referendum movement, humanitarian NGOs and liberated press that
briefly flourished after the fall of Suharto have largely disappeared,
along with their leaders. In rural Aceh, where the worst human rights
violations occur, GAM support has traditionally been strong. For those
not on the ground, it’s hard to know what is happening in the
countryside amidst the fighting between GAM and security forces.
It is especially hard for outsiders to cut through the ambiguities that
arise in a climate of fear. Voicing opinions that go against one of the
two sides can lead to violent reprisals. It’s not surprising that many
Acehnese people distrust the ‘real’ intentions of outsiders. They often
don’t know whether outsiders whom they take into their confidence will
betray them or if their information will fall into the wrong hands.
They’ll judge what they tell you on the basis of what they know about
you, or who brought you to their district. Fearful conditions don’t
encourage honest conversations, and in Aceh, where the stakes are so
high, trust is given sparingly and words are weighed carefully.
Outsiders are often targets of the propaganda war and need to be
cautious about information they receive. The TNI claims its security
operations are only against GAM. Yet in Aceh’s countryside one
encounters countless stories about military atrocities against
civilians. Often, the stories are supported by physical evidence, like
widows’ villages and incinerated market places.
GAM’s leaders in Sweden have only ever claimed responsibility for
attacks on security forces. But a local GAM commander in Aceh Besar
district told the author in December 2000 that he had ‘cleaned’ entire
streets of non-Acehnese transmigrants. The same GAM commander, a
gracious and talkative host despite a dose of malaria, also said that
the house that he occupied had previously been inhabited by ‘traitors’
who had fled to Jakarta. It later turned out, however, that the house
was the former family home of an Acehnese friend whose father, not a
GAM member, had been assassinated by his GAM relatives after he refused
to give them money.
There is no doubt that the TNI has been responsible for most of the
suffering of the Acehnese people. Military abuses have created fertile
conditions for the regeneration of GAM. Yet, when ordinary Acehnese say
they are more afraid of TNI than GAM, this does not necessarily mean
that GAM’s struggle has been waged humanely. From this outsider’s
perspective, fear continues to overshadow ‘the truth’ in Aceh.
Michelle Ann Miller (Michelle.Miller@cdu.edu.au) is writing a PhD on the Aceh conflict at Charles Darwin University.
Inside Indonesia 81: Jan-Mar 2005
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